should the united nations wage war to keep peace?

If a volcano scientist has developed an instrument that can measure the interaction of beauty and threats, nyagongo, in North Kivu province in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, will give it needle cramps
20,000 years after the formation of nyagongo, its appearance was still a terrible new epoch: its cone curves gently crossed the mountain forest and then rushed into the sky for two miles, on the edge of it, where it can only be seen occasionally through the blurry mist above egoma, it monitors and regularly destroys the city.
The smoke from the crater gives out shades of green, amber and crimson.
People who once lived around the volcano believed that the souls of evil elements would be thrown into the crater.
When the souls fought, the earth shook.
When neigongo broke out in 1894, shortly after these men found themselves slaves to Belgium\'s King, liopod II, they did not think that it was a good omen for Europeans to enter the interior of Africa. (
They imagined that Leopold\'s soul would soon enter the crater. )
When it was in 1977, during the reign of tyrantMobutu Sese Seko, lava exploded from the side of the mountain, running at a speed of 60 miles per hour, which is still
Mobutu was ousted by a rebel leader who himself was assassinated in 2001, and the second year Nyiragongo erupted again, this time injected into the city\'s third mile wide area
The underground magma veins below the Street burst, forming a hot geyser.
The House suddenly turned into a solid black mausoleum.
\"It looks like a ten.
\"The lane road has fallen from the side of the mountain, right across the city,\" the national geographer observed . \". All that ready-
Death is due to a rare feature, with a liquid lava lake inside the mountain.
The Lake Rose and retreated, but it never disappeared.
After the eruption of the volcano, the lava cooled into a pile of floating stones filled with foam. Goma\'s wood-
Slats and metals
Dilapidated shantytowns, dilapidated office buildings, noisy storefronts and models --
The Tropical Hotel was built on pumice.
Millions of its residents walk, work and die on it.
The pumice is particularly vivid at the theMugunga refugee camp on the northwest edge of Goma, where the white un tarp takes the pumice black out of the tent and strives for perfection
In the white eyes, the bloodshot and yellow of many people living in it are infected.
One morning in October, after a torrential rain in the Congo, a delegation of United Nations ambassadors and Security Council envoys rolled a Black Hill into the camp in a truck and bus convoy, dozens of people then hundreds of people gathered to watch.
Earlier in the day, the delegation stood on the top of the mountain overlooking Goma, and a UN peacekeeping general introduced them to the situation of the \"conflict\", a series of rebellion, skirmishes, and killings, systematic rape and refugee crises that constitute the theme of life centres in eastern Congo are often referred to as rape and refugee crises.
Now, at Mugunga, the delegation was established to accommodate refugees fleeing the border during the civil war in Rwanda, and will come at the cost of some people caused by the conflict.
A young French battalion commander in a warning suit
Orange nail polish and white United Nations overalls brought a group of ambassadors to one
Wooden Room.
Women were gathered inside.
They are all victims of sexual violence.
When the women were told that foreign tourists had arrived, they shook their heads and cried.
Anyway, the ambassadors came in.
They were asked to talk about their lives.
\"There is not enough food to eat in this camp.
\"Our children are starving,\" said a woman in Kiswahili . \"
\"The White came here, but the situation did not improve.
The last time the white man came, the camp was bombed a few days later.
Everyone else cried when she spoke.
A woman knelt down in front of Samantha Power in the United States. S.
Ambassador to the United Nations.
\"We received so many guests.
But you, we ask you to help us.
\"We only ask for peace,\" she said, staring at power and reaching out her arms.
\"We don\'t know the names of you, but we know you are so powerful.
\"The power cut notes, tilted forward and met her eyes.
\"Every time we leave this place, we are raped by various bandits.
\"The woman returned to the chair and put her head in her hand.
Power introduced herself and said she looked hurt.
Women applaud.
\"The Security Council has been trying to act here for the past two years to improve the situation from a humanitarian and security perspective,\" Power said . \".
\"We learned from what you said here that is not enough.
But we\'re here because we care so much about your pain.
When the electricity asks, \"What do you need to feel safe enough to go home ? \"?
\"All women try to speak at the same time.
But in addition to repeating Salama (peace)
They don\'t mention what people usually hear about Congo\'s needs, and these women obviously need them very much: food, family, work, government.
Instead, they are concerned about geopolitics.
According to United Nations investigators and others, they have condemned their neighbor, Rwanda, one after another, whose government supports militia in eastern Congo.
They named the president and the warlords.
\"We don\'t want Rwanda to take up one metre of our land,\" said a woman . \".
Another man knelt down and asked the international community to impose sanctions on Rwanda.
An old woman in the back shouted, \"Makenga and other leaders should be arrested,\" referring to sultani Makenga, a Congolese warlord and one of the M23 leaders, who attacked Goma, capital of North Kivu province, by a rebel movement, since then, he took over most of North Kivu province in 2012.
M23 is believed to be armed and controlled by Rwandan officials.
Mugunga and elsewhere are generally concerned that the group\'s goal is to annex land for its foreign sponsors.
If this fear is exaggerated, it is also perfectly understandable: More than 160,000 residents of Mugunga, perhaps some of them women, because M23, in its leadership, there are war criminals prosecuted, control their village. (
M23 represents the movement of March 23, the day on which its leaders abolished the armistice. )
The French director ended the meeting.
The women applauded for power and the others got up and left.
Outside, I turned from the window and I was watching the scene and found a group of refugees gathered on a hill behind me.
They could have ventured to approach them, but in front of them stood a group of dismissive UN police officers with riot shields and batons.
In the background is the nellagongo volcano, where a refugee is hiding in a temporary shelter near a camp in the city of Goma.
A little old woman dressed in untied headcovers and clothes almost hanging on her body waved to me.
\"Build me a house like that,\" she pointed to the house the ambassador was leaving, with a toothless smile on her face.
She told me that she is 70 years old and has lived in Mugunga for six years, and since she fled the battle in her hometown in the area of ruchulu, M23 is now there hosting the battle
She tied her clothes together and held them on my face.
\"I have been wearing this for six years.
\"When I told her that I didn\'t know how to build a house, she asked for money instead.
\"If you give your money to these people, we won\'t get it,\" she looked at UN officials . \".
\"Congo has been in a state of war for a generation.
It is estimated that four to 6 million Congolese have died in the fighting since monboto stepped down in 1997, or have died due to illness, hunger and other causes of fighting unrest.
If accurate, these figures make their conflicts the deadliest since World War II.
The most serious violence has hit the east, in particular the recent violence in the province of North Kivu and its sister province of South Kivu, where the civil war and genocide in Rwanda have spread, competition for land and resources, ethnic conflicts and neglect of President Joseph cubila (
Son of proud Trent
The rebel leader who overthrew montbutu, de siere capbila)
It is bleeding, illegal and underdeveloped in such a large region of Afghanistan.
But while the term \"war\", such as \"conflict\", can be applied to Congo, it does not explain much.
Nor is the humanitarian term \"complex emergency\" or \"structured conflict\" used to describe the country.
There are no terms, really;
In your conversation with the Congolese, you will hear violence, hunger and poverty, and be sentenced in a mix with corruption, incompetence and foreign interference, it seems that cause and effect are all like they appear from the same lava lake where society collapses.
The only metaphor for persistence is disease.
In the time of Mobutu, the genius of Congo was called \"Zairean disease \".
Historian Gérard pruniercall, a country whose land area is roughly the same as that of Western Europe, is a \"huge block of disease \".
\"You \'ve heard of open wounds in the heart of Africa.
Armed groups are the most serious symptoms today.
According to the latest United Nations estimates, at least 25 different militias control parts of eastern Congo, and the M23 is the best militant.
To give just a few examples, as well as the forces of the Democratic Union of the Congo;
Patriotic Union for freedom and sovereignty of the Congo;
The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda are a group of people of the Hutu genocide, and it is clear that this does not exist in Rwanda, only in the Congo;
Raia Mutomboki is roughly translated into angry citizens;
There are also dozens of informal local militias.
Some claim to own territory, some operate smuggling rackets, some protect their communities from other militias, and some for lack of better ideas.
They vary in size, with dozens of machetes.
At the height of M23, thousands of men, women and boys were armed with machine guns, mortars and anti-aircraft guns.
These groups support illegal mining (
South North Kivu province is located on top of some of the world\'s most abundant deposits)
Extortion, prostitution, agriculture (
Above minerals is the world-class soil)
And funding from supporters and investors in Congo and the African continent.
Of course, Kivutans know everything about the militia, but they are also interested in blaming their fate on macro responsibilitysize culprits.
Rwanda has become a specific country.
Recently, as one woman in Mugunga suggested, another subject of their anger became the focus: the United Nations.
They should feel this resentment is ironic: the United Nations is the only thing many Congolese know that is close to the legitimate government.
Half a century ago, peacekeepers arrived in Afghanistan for the first time, ending a civil war.
The current operation is the stabilization mission of the United Nations Organization in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and ormonusco is the world\'s largest United Nations mission with a budget of $1.
5 billion a year, the most expensive.
70 staff members were killed.
One out of every four peacekeepers on earth is deployed in Congo.
At the same time, the logic of the Congo is sensible.
Since the beginning of the mission in 1999, killings, rape and displacement have continued, the number of militia members has also increased, while peacekeepers are known for their cowardice. \"People know [the UN]
A translator I worked with at Goma told me: \"Am I not here to protect them ? \".
\"They are playing other games.
\"But, last fall, all this may have changed, and to the surprise and delight of the Congolese people, United Nations forces have attacked m23 at the risk of their lives.
It\'s also surprising that they won.
On December, the organization was formally disarm.
When I was in Goma in November 2012, when M23 invaded, respect for the United Nations was at its lowest point.
Peacekeepers ordered not to defend the city are called tourists.
The homeless boys hanging out on the side of the road laughed at their motorcade.
\"Monuscoyend!
\"They yelled â x80\" monusco get out of here!
But when I returned to Goma in last October, after the United Nations and Congolese forces won the battle against the rebels, the story of the brave battle of peacekeepers had been circulated in the town.
Now, when the team passed by, the boys gave their thumbs up.
The attack on M23 can be said to be the most radical military action the United Nations has taken in more than 50 years since its first foray into the Congo.
\"This is a very important chapter in the history of the United Nations,\" President Barack Obama\'s special envoy for the Great Lakes region and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Russ Feingold, told me.
\"It is very important for future potential uses.
Alan dos, a British diplomat, said from 2007 to 2010 that the attack \"crossed Rubicon\" because \"although we have done this before, they have always been passive and short-term.
We have not yet been sent out to defeat an armed force.
\"Jason Stearns, a Congolese expert who has worked in North-South Kivu and the United Nations, said that the problem with traditional peacekeeping operations in the Congo is because it should protect people in danger, so it\'s too late.
They have been slaughtered or raped once you get there.
The revolutionary thing about the campaign against M23 is that it is pre-emptive.
The United Nations now understands that you must pre-empt in order to protect civilians.
\"Congolese citizens in North Kivu are waiting for a delegation of government, military and United Nations officials.
Some of the worst incidents of violence have occurred in the province, with at least 25 different militias fighting to control the situation.
The disarmament of the M23 is the best news in eastern Congo for a long time.
This is also good news for the United Nations, as Russia invaded Ukraine and war and rebellion broke out in Syria, Libya and the entire subregion.
Sub-Saharan Africa was once again questioned.
But the failure of the rebellion also marks the beginning of a long and violent road to peace.
After the departure of the delegation, I flew from Goma to South Kivu province by United Nations helicopter and met with Martin Cobb, the newly appointed head of the stabilization mission. (
I was a bit hesitant: think the UN is now a fair game and the M23 has started shooting at its aircraft. )
The task supervised by Kobler is the miracle of cross-border cooperation and misconceptions, with nearly 26,000 employees: 20,024 military personnel from Argentina, Poland, Pakistan, Sweden, 1,193 police officers and 560 volunteers in the United StatesS.
Indonesia, Guinea, Yemen, Uruguay, China, Canada, Peru and 44 other countries. (
There are also nearly 3,000 local staff. )
They help and obstruct each other.
Alliance of death and resentment.
At air base, I saw an Indian logistics officer and a South African pilot hug each other, and then a Slav and South beauty almost got hit by the flight manifest.
The Congolese, known for their ridiculous sense of humor, are created by the absurd environment, and they find it always interesting.
On the bus from the terminal to the helicopter, a group of Egyptian soldiers were on their way to the commendation ceremony.
When the bus drove out, an Egyptian guard of honor carried out a rifle drill and shouted in Arabic, while on the other side a Congolese security guard imitated half of them, she said with a smirk, half sitting in a chair, shaking the folding chair to salute like Habo Marx.
On the helicopter, a Russian curt with blue-and-
The white striped telnyashkashirt and the outdated pilot cap pushed us in.
\"You have to change your seat,\" he growled at an Egyptian.
The ghosts of Khrushchev and Nasser glanced behind their eyes.
The helicopters fly along the steep peaks, which are so green and well-outlined that they evoke the skin of the lizard.
In the distance is the nyagongo volcano, with dark clouds on its edge, and in addition to the magnificent Virunga volcano range, which is the last active member.
We live above Lake Kivu, quiet but also dormant. (
This can be attributed to fighting and poverty, as well as to the water itself, which in itself contains a large amount of methane and carbon dioxide, due to nyagongo.
Local legend tells the story of the whole school of fish in the face of death and swimming suffocationstroke. )
On October 2008, my family mourned the deaths of two women in the violence and the looting of government forces in magenga.
He had a happy face, wearing a pair of independent frameless glasses, and a blue suit jacket and shell casual pants, which was too tight for Congo.
When I met him at the UN base in South Kivu province, after the helicopter landed, he was wearing a more appropriate crumpled dress and seemed to need a nap.
The base is located on a hill outside Bukavu, capital of South Kivu Province. the pictures coming from the air remind people of the Lego toy design of a child with extraordinary ideas, it was a neat cargo box and a messy, prefabricated office with white cannons, trucks and tanks, and the \"un\" had blue on their hood and sides.
Kobler is on his way to a hospital in the southern town of Panzi before speaking at a ceremony held by the base for Egyptians.
We climbed up an empty SUV, behind Kobler\'s bodyguard, and put a gun in a plastic suitcase on his leg.
Then, the rest of his protection details-three trucks carrying more seriously equipped North African soldiers.
\"We have a little image of observation only,\" Kobler said of the United Nations when we were driving.
\"Often, in fragile situations, when an agreement has been reached, peacekeeping will stabilize the situation, observe and maintain it.
There is no such thing here.
I mean, is this a war?
If there is no peacekeeping, what is the role of peacekeeping?
\"This question has plagued the United Nations efforts in the Congo for half a century, and the efforts to answer this question are exactly why Kobler came here.
The Security Council was embarrassed by the success of the group of 23 in 2012, so in the next three months the Council adopted Resolution 2098.
In a predictable war, \"reiterate its deep concern about the security and humanitarian crisis in North Kivu caused by the continued destabilizing activities of the March 23 Movement (M23)
And the other Congolese and foreign armed groups \"â202098\" contain a radical clause: It calls for the establishment of such an organization
United Nations Force Intervention Brigade
The purpose of the brigade is not to maintain peace, but to \"implement peace \".
\"If the semantic difference is small, there is a big difference on the ground: peacekeepers only protect civilians;
Peace enforcers can attack fighters who threaten civilians.
The intervention brigade helped the Congolese army defeat m23.
The UN secretary general will direct the BrigadeGeneral Ban Ki-
Muen Jose Carlos dos Santos Cruz is a lieutenant general who has led the peacekeepers well in Haiti.
A short, burly Brazilian, Santos Cruz, rarely wears a uniform around Goma, without 9-
Mm pistol tied to thigh
Santos Cruz told me, \"Really, we are determined not to let this happen again with M23,\" referring to the occupation of Goma.
At six that morning, I saw him at the hotel breakfast with a pistol on my thigh.
\"Determination is absolute.
\"In order to ensure that 2098 is implemented and to ensure that the mission is shaken after 13 years of disappointment, moon has appointed German diplomats working in Palestine, the Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq and has a reputation for activism. (
When Giuliani visited Iraq, he blamed him. )
He arrived in Congo on July, when fighting with M23 was resumed.
As the United Nations, \"We have only spoken in Iraq and Afghanistan,\" Kobler told me . \".
\"But we also have troops here.
\"Now we have teeth . \"
\"I asked Kobler how much the brigade had an impact on so many armed groups.
He admitted that although not as much as he thought, \"they are looking for us.
If an activist comes and wants to defect, the door is open.
This happens almost every day.
Imagine no one there.
In this way, civilians, the internally displaced, will not be protected.
Those who want to defect have no partner to go.
There were no airstrips and no helicopters to fly them out. [
Intervention Brigade]
Can\'t solve the problem there.
But better than not there.
\"There are 3,000 people in the intervention brigade, are they? \" he said.
There are 150,000 American soldiers in Afghanistan, and they have $10 billion. Every month!
\"We are now in traffic in Bukavu, near where Joseph cubila has set up a monument to peace composed of tree rings --trunk-
Size concrete Kalashnikovs.
Congo ler said that Congo is \"the largest task of the United Nations\", but there are not many tasks compared to the tasks.
He looked out the window.
\"What is this?
He asked the bodyguard.
\"Is this a market?
\"The market,\" said the bodyguard. \"Can we see it?
Kobler asked, got off the bus without waiting for an answer.
He found himself in front of a football game. pitch-
A large maze of tables piled up with bodies of vegetables, spices, sugar cane and fish.
The air was filled with the taste of bargaining and clutter.
\"Hello, je suis le chef de MONUC!
He announced that he plunged in and shook hands as the North African chased him.
It took him a long time to listen to a woman who sells nuts.
\"She sells $15 to $30,\" he told me, and once we get back in the car, after the cost, \"there are still $3 to $5 at the end of the day.
\"In a refugee camp, the children climbed up the hillside, where the locals fled because of the fighting between M23 and the Congolese army.
Kobler said he has been trying to remind the Congolese people that the United Nations cannot solve their problems.
\"If something doesn\'t work, everyone is responsible for the UN.
So the message I have been sending is that in Iraq, in Afghanistan, these are Congolese, and these are regional issues.
As Congo and region, you have to solve this problem.
Don\'t throw it at the UN.
The intervention tour here is not a magical solution.
The most I \'ve heard is \"you, MONUSCO, have to promise\" and I don\'t know what it is.
My first standard answer is, \"we don\'t guarantee anything.
\"I mentioned the first UN mission in Congo.
He frowned and said, \"We tried to forget this experience.
\"When the newly established Democratic Republic of the Congo held its first election in May 1960, it was the third largest country in Africa and one of the most industrialized because of mining in Europe.
However, unlike Britain and France, the Belgians did not spend any energy preparing themselves for the colony. government.
Two months after the election, with the help of the Belgian Army, Katanga, Congo\'s richest province, tried to break away.
Soldiers of the Congo.
The new and unpredictable prime minister, Patricia Lumumba, turned to the United Nations and its secretary.
The foreign ministry of Sweden, General Sheikh Hamad.
At this point, the United Nations peace record is not flawed, even at the beginning.
Its founding charter does not refer to the term \"peacekeeping\", but Chapter VII authorizes the Security Council to determine which conflicts constitute a \"threat to peace and undermine peace \", or acts of aggression \"and\" decide what measures should be taken.
\"It recommends that it be followed forcibly, starting with mediation, if necessary.
The first armed peacekeeping operation was involved in 1956 incidents.
It was the United Nations\'s induction of the Cold War superpower plot, where Hammarskjöld held its own meetings in Washington and Moscow.
He told his friend W. H.
Auden as secretary.
The General \"is like a secular pope.
\"In 1960s, 16 new African countries joined the United Nations for a quarter that made Africa a member of it.
Hamad found himself trying to hold together a suddenly self-governing continent whose borders are not determined by its inhabitants, instead, NATO and communist groups, decided by the retreating Europeans who are vying for their resources, are vying for political loyalty.
The mountains of South Kivu overlook the land, which is rich in mineral sand and torn by conflict.
Hammarskjöld\'s response to the rapidly developing civil war in the Congo was unthinkable today.
On July 14, 1960, the Security Council met to adopt a resolution calling on Belgium to withdraw its troops and allow Hammarskjöld to \"take the necessary steps.
\"Four days later, there were 3,500 peacekeepers in the country.
This is before the United Nations has a clear fleet. (The U. S.
Russia temporarily shelved its differences and provided air transportation. )
This is not important.
Upon arrival, United Nations officials and historian brian urquhart put a UN flag on the hood of his Jeep, hoping to inspire confidence. \"The UN?
He was asked by a Congolese official.
\"What tribe is that?
\"At first, the delegation was widely praised, and both Washington and Moscow praised Hammarskjöld\'s counter-attacks.
Colonial position
But soon after, an international incident is about to take place.
When Hammarskjöld refused to hand over the command of UN forces to Lumumba, the prime minister called it an \"imperial trick\" and threatened to invite Russian troops.
He did it at a rare moment of consistency, and the Soviet advisers and weapons were sent here by the plan.
\"If it is necessary to summon the devil to save the country, I will not hesitate to do so,\" Lumumba announced . \".
\"As fighting in Katanga became more violent, United Nations personnel were arrested and beaten by Congolese and Belgian people.
Urquhart wrote, \"every step of our action is questioned, every action is criticized, and every failure is criticized.
The simplest and most humane measures will be misunderstood.
\"I can\'t tell you how complicated and frustrating our actions here are,\" wrote Ralph bunch, deputy to Hammarskjöld, to his wife.
\"It\'s like trying to give first aid to the injured rattlesnake.
Hammarskjöld is concerned that the Congo will trigger a global war or another.
The CIA had set up an African division only the previous year, agreeing to the request.
Its stationmaster in Congo got a tube of toxic toothpaste and instructed to put it into the bath supplies in Lumumba.
The plot failed, but Lumumba was occupied by American troops in 1961. S. -
Support Mobutu Sese Seko and then torture and kill.
Mr. Hamad had sent United Nations personnel to try to save the prime minister, but he was blamed for his death.
The United Nations has lost control.
Member states withdrew peacekeepers and protests erupted in cities around the world.
Nikita Scheffer fell on the podium.
A riot broke out at United Nations headquarters, and the pickers flocked.
After returning to New York, his health was damaged, and the nerves of the Congo were damaged. Bonch walked past a protester with a sign in his hand saying \"kill Bonch. \" Twenty-
Three peacekeepers were killed in Katanga.
When Hamad flew to the province to meet with the governor to negotiate peace, his plane crashed and he died.
Evidence later emerged that there was an assassin on board.
The United Nations presence in Congo continued until 1964, eventually increasing to nearly 20,000.
United Nations forces have left a unified country, but they have been unified under the leadership of monboto, which will continue to undermine.
In his final report on the visit, Hammarskjöld\'s successor U Thant said, \"the United Nations cannot permanently protect the Congo or any other country, from internal tensions and chaos, from its own organic growth to unity and the country. \" (
The Congo refused to fulfill his wish, and U Thant was not the only one who was upset.
Che guevart came to the country, hoping to find a socialist revolution while waiting, and he left in disgust a few months later.
\"This is a history of failure . \")
What you have not mentioned is that the Congo has almost destroyed the United Nations.
For 25 years, peacekeepers will no longer be sent to Africa.
It is well known that the disaster in the Congo has opened up a rift between the agency and the continent that has never been completely closed.
This is particularly true in the Congo, where Lumumba\'s Legacy points to the impossibility for the international community to intervene in conflicts in Africa.
For the United Nations, for the West, Lumumba embodies the worst side of the \"violence, instability and contagion\" of independent African leaders, just as a character, Hammarskjöld\'s special envoy to Katanga in the Angel of murder, Irish diplomat Connor Cruise O\'Brien
O\'Brien saw the competition between secretaries.
As a symbol of the fundamental struggle between peace and freedom in post-colonial Africa, freedom always seems to be accompanied by violence.
For Africans, however, Lumumba was a hero long before Nelson Mandela, the prototype of the anti-colonial revolt.
The M23 rebels patrol the hills near the village of Bunagana, the group\'s headquarters.
Congo is \"the tomb of a short and glorious period\", this is []the UN]
\"I can try to do what we think is right,\" Urquhart wrote . \".
\"Now the time is over and will not come again.
\"During the Cold War, peacekeepers traveled to Lebanon, Cyprus, Afghanistan, the Sinai Peninsula and elsewhere, but avoided Africa.
The Congo was then under the oppression of monboto, and even if there was no other part of Africa, it was relatively peaceful.
In 1992, the Secretary-General recognized the African continent as a quagmire of dictatorship and civil war.
And, uh ·
\"Strong peacekeeping operations.
He insisted that the United Nations must be the executor of universal humanitarian values, the victim and not the advocate of the state.
\"An important intellectual requirement of our time is to rethink the issue of sovereignty,\" Boutros-Ghali said. By the mid-
At the age of 90, the number of peacekeeping operations tripled, and most of the interventions were directed at domestic conflicts rather than international ones. Boutros-
Gary\'s successor, the first UN submarine, Kofi Annan
Secretary General of Sahara Africa
General, his doctrine of \"responsibility to protect\" will continue this philosophy.
But when American troops were killed in 1993 in support of an ambitious Somali mission, Washington accused the United Nations of poor planning.
The following year, the Security Council ignored its own evidence that a disaster was imminent in Rwanda.
And then, as Hutu-
Under the leadership of the government of Rwanda, nearly a million Tutsi and members of their ethnic groups were killed and the United Nations withdrew its troops from the country. (The U. S.
Relatives of Madeline Albright, then ambassador to the United Nations, were killed in the massacre, advocating a complete withdrawal of United Nations troops, while France provided and protected Hutu)
Supporters and critics of the United Nations, even their own officials, call it a fact: if it weren\'t the most serious failure of the institution\'s moral nerves in its history, it would certainly be an unforgivable failure.
One official said that the United Nations \"took action and was linked to another failure, which was more costly than not taking action and allowing the Rwanda genocide.
\"In the next few years, when the Tuxi people --
The Rwandan Patriotic Army has killed thousands of Hutu people.
Another result of the genocide is that it sends a large proportion of the people of Rwanda, most of them Hutu, many of whom are genocide, to the Congo (then Zaire).
The Rwandan Patriotic Army, who directed byPaul Kagame, pursued them and first lit a cross.
Not only Rwanda, but also Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Chad, Uganda and Burundi had border wars and two wars.
The Continental fire feared by Hammarskjöld has finally arrived, but now the security council sees no need to step in. \"In the post-
In the Cold War environment, Congo no longer has geo-strategic interests at work, \"Roger Messe, an American diplomat who later led the Congolese mission, told me.
\"There is no big appetite --Scale of resources.
\"With the filling of the refugee camps around Goma, nyagongo erupted again.
The United Nations, which spends millions of dollars a day to maintain the camp, is under the eyes of the United Nations, where a Hutu paramilitary force reforms itself.
It used humanitarian supplies for profit and taxed aid workers to fund guerrilla attacks in Rwanda.
By 1999, when the Security Council finally ordered military observers to travel to eastern Congo, the logic of the atrocities had been introduced.
Wholesale slaughter is routine.
The task expanded slowly.
The base was established in Goma and Bukavu.
Forward Operation bases have been established in rural areas.
Some success: the agreement was signed and in 2006 the United Nations played an important role in organizing the first real national elections in Congo in 46 years.
But failure has attracted more attention.
Countries contributing troops to missions believe that there is as little demand for peacekeeping personnel as possible.
\"There are troops-
\"Those sending countries that will return to the capital to ask them to tell them what to do in the force commander,\" a Security Council diplomat told me . \".
\"There is a reluctance in the Army --
Active protection of civilians by sending countries.
\"On 2012, Congolese troops were transported through the village of Jomba during operations against M23 rebels in North Kivu province.
Peacekeepers did not stop mass killings and rape in the towns of luvengi, Kiwanja and Miyem.
While they were on the side, a militia took over the town of pingga and executed it publicly.
There was terrible violence in the middle of Ituri.
2000. a man was abducted and killed outside the United Nations compound.
The international crisis organization has found that the United Nations is \"completely incapable of fulfilling its protection mandate \".
Congo agreed.
They ransacked the United Nations base in Ituri and threatened peacekeepers with lynching.
According to Messi, Joseph cubila, who is nominally more accommodating, said the president has always regarded United Nations forces as \"a clear violation of sovereignty \".
\"Philip Lancaster, a retired Canadian officer who had been on duty until 2008, told me,\" I was embarrassed to be an officer when I looked []
Congolese peacekeepersoperate.
They showed an astonishing level of incompetence.
It\'s heartbreaking to see a lack of response.
A gold was found among 2007 Pakistani peacekeepers.
Smuggling networks with local militias.
They provide weapons for the people they should hit.
Earlier, an internal United Nations report showed that paedophile, prostitution and rape by peacekeepers in Congo were \"significant, widespread and ongoing \".
\"On 2009, the task of United Nations forces was to support the Congolese army contingent led by a long-standing rebel general, Bosco\" Terminator \"Ntaganda, he was born in the Virunga mountains and will then command M23 near nyagongo and is charged by the International Criminal Court with crimes against humanity and war crimes, where he is awaiting trial.
The Security Council sought to prompt the mission to adopt six resolutions in 2008, but the impact on the ground appeared to be small.
\"We are very close to the event and can monitor the event, but as far as strategic forces are concerned, our communication is too thin,\" said Alan Doss . \" Alan dos led this time between 2007 and 2010.
\"Suppose there is an activity ten miles away.
10 miles seems nothing.
But you were on your way there all the time.
Ten miles of rain and mud may take you five days.
You can\'t use a plane.
What the hell are you doing?
We have created great expectations, but we cannot meet them.
And then the task becomes untrustworthy.
\"When peacekeepers act, they are often threatened by militias;
The United Nations has had to support the Congolese army, but the Congolese army is often despised by the people like the militia, especially since the Congolese army is often composed of former militias;
From the people they are trying to protect;
Sometimes from them
Doss described an incident in which one of his peacekeepers was in a coma by a group of thugs who thought the man was against them.
Congolese soldiers believed this, and peacekeepers had been helping them just before the attack.
As Doss said, \"there is a feeling that we will be hit in the head no matter what we say.
\"Dutch general Patrick Cammaert, who directed peacekeepers in eastern Congo, told me that his troops were\" confused because they had to support Congolese soldiers and protect civilians, but the Congolese soldiers themselves have been responsible for civilians on many occasions.
\"Clockwise from the top left: Captain Morro, 83, a Congolese military veteran, showing medals;
Congolese soldiers on the front line of kibba M23;
Young soldiers near Lu Chulu
Soldiers on the front line north of Goma, followed by nyagongo;
Colonel military priest
Near his home in Goma, Aaron Kubuta; battle-
The on-call soldiers at the Luman Garbo military camp are made up one by one.
Some have no other purpose than to extort concessions to President Kabila and the United Nations in the next round of peace talks.
Ray Torres: \"You can bring enough money from the United States or anywhere, and you decide that you will have your \'Mai Mai viini, \'said the director of the United Nations office in North Kivu.
\"You will have 30 soldiers and you will take over a mine, that\'s all.
\"In 2012, M23, the latest iteration that has been intimidating rebels in eastern Congo in various forms for a decade, knocked down a hapless Congolese force and walked into Goma.
The United Nations refused to defend the city.
At the rebel-held UN base, I found out that the guards were trying to stop angry crowds from breaking the gates.
Internally, I asked an officer what the mission should do.
\"This is a big problem,\" she said . \"
\"The head of peacekeeping operations told us yesterday that we cannot cooperate with M23 because they are criminals.
I think that is the guideline.
\"Congolese soldiers made a profit among the M23 rebels and gathered a little girl on the road near Kitale.
Later, when I asked the then head of the mission, Roger Messe, why he did not choose to protect the city, he explained that he was faced with the ghost of a brutal urban war.
\"I feel that it is my duty to allow this war.
\"There may be a large number of civilian casualties,\" he said . \"
He admitted, \"This reaction is a huge frustration, frustration and chagrin.
This is clearly a major setback.
\"UN leaders in New York have been humiliated by m23\'s success.
\"We were all embarrassed by the pictures of peacekeepers sitting on armored personnel carriers, and a group of mob fighters entered Goma, \"Jack Herry, director of the Africa 2 division of the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations, told me.
A Security Council diplomat said, \"We know that your expectations for peacekeeping operations are not high\", but \"we do not believe that the mission will make room for Operation 3. 23 alone.
\"Everyone believes that the mission of Congo must be changed.
In addition, there are competitive camps.
Congo is a unique challenge in the African conflict, as none of the permanent members of the Security CouncilS.
Britain, France, Russia and China have urgent interests in this country.
The United States and Britain have been active in Somalia due to threats from Somalia
Al-Shabab, an Islamic group that recruits fighters from these countries. Thanks to long-
Washington is in touch with U. S. lawmakers and religious organizations to invest in South Sudan.
France has close ties with Mali.
Neither Washington nor the EU nor the African Union want to be part of a major cause in Congo.
As one diplomat said, \"Congo is between cracks. \"The U. S.
Britain and France have formed a fairly unified voting group in the Security Council p3.
France is the \"pen holder\" of the Congo, as it is for most French-speaking African countries, and therefore, after M23 occupied Goma, its task was to draft a new resolution.
At BAN KI-MOON\'s suggestion
Moon\'s offices, French and British diplomats advocated an attack on the rebels and suggested a special detachment.
They face three obstacles:
Sending country; Rwanda;
And the US delegation.
The first was led by Pakistan and India, who sent a large number of peacekeepers to the Congo, who did not want their soldiers to carry out dangerous attacks.
They fear that most of the casualties will be borne by them.
They are also privately worried that if it succeeds, the trip will set a new precedent with high demands.
\"You can\'t expect them to choose to die in the fight against a rebel group in Congo,\" said a Security Council diplomat . \".
Americans pose a more subtle challenge.
According to United Nations officials I spoke to, State Department officials in Washington expressed support for the detachment, but Susan Rice, then ambassador to the United Nations, was opposed.
Rice, now a national security adviser, has raised objections in terms of technology and finance. She believed that the brigade would pose unprecedented logistical challenges that the United Nations could not afford.
However, it is well known that Rice has a special sympathy for Rwanda and is a friend of the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame.
On 2012, the United Nations expert group on the Democratic Republic issued a report showing that the Rwanda military armed and assisted the M23, providing it with everything from special forces soldiers to intelligence personnel to recruits to health care.
The group found that the leaders of the insurgents had followed orders directly from the top of the military in Rwanda.
Kagame and other Rwanda officials denied the allegations and attacked the United Nations for publishing the reports.
During the negotiations, Rwanda opposed not only the establishment of a special detachment, but also the reference to the movement of 23 in the Security Council document.
At the beginning of the debate on resolution 2098th on January 2013, Rwanda
Permanent members of the Security Council.
It can challenge every proposal in person, every day, and do it.
\"Their position is to deny everything that has happened on the ground,\" a Security Council diplomat told me . \".
This, along with Rice\'s support for some of Rwanda\'s arguments, made the process \"embarrassing all negotiators \".
\"A woman carrying necessities was forced to leave her home through fighting between Congolese soldiers and M23 rebels, passing through a United Nations infantry chariot driven by Indian peacekeepers on the outskirts of Buena Ghana
Nevertheless, by last February, a compromise was reached with India and Pakistan: It is well known that the Force Intervention Brigade will be established, but it will consist of troops from Tanzania, South Africa and Malawi.
Then, at the urging of the Secretariat, a presentation was made to the Security Council showing very detailed evidence of Rwanda\'s support for the 3. 23 campaign.
The Rwanda envoy and Rice\'s team are looking at pictures of Cross.
The border supply line is shown.
Rwanda continues to deny support for the rebels, but Rice has rejected her opposition.
2098 passed next month.
A Security Council diplomat described to me that this was the most difficult negotiation he had ever been involved in.
\"There is a leadership vacuum in the international community on this issue,\" he said . \".
But \"what we see is that the United Nations plays a leading role in an effective way.
This is a bit rare for the United Nations.
Resolution 2098th stated that the mission of the Intervention Brigade was to suppress armed groups \"in a powerful, highly mobile and versatile manner.
\"It has 3,000 soldiers, divided into three infantry battalions, one artillery battalion and a special forces and Reconnaissance Force.
They used armored vehicles and helicopter gunships.
Its first contact with M23 took place in the last week of August.
Peace talks have stalled and M23 appears to be preparing for another attack on Goma.
Intelligence shows that they plan to invade Mugunga, where they can use the threat of mass civilian deaths as bargaining chips, something they have done in the past. (
\"They are trying to make life difficult by engaging refugees in combat,\" a former UN military official told me . \". )
In clashes between the Congolese army and M23 near Goma, the rebels fired rockets and mortars into the city.
A woman was killed.
General Santos Cruz ordered the attack.
Brigade 155-
Mm howitzers on rebel positions
Santos Cruz then sent an attack helicopter.
Subsequently, a team of soldiers fought side by side with Congolese soldiers and carried out a coordinated ground attack.
Two Tanzanian soldiers were killed and 11 injured.
There is also a secret diplomatic effort.
During the fighting, Kobler and Santos Cruz traveled to Kigali to try to persuade the government of Rwanda not to intervene.
Clearly, they were persuasive: M23 retreated in August 30.
A year ago, in November 2012, when M23 launched an offensive against Goma, its commanders, most of them veterans and experienced villains from Congo or Rwanda, they all have a Twitter account and a very bad reputation.
In Mugunga, I met people who lived under their control.
Under the rain cloud, next to a group of tents, I spoke to a young woman, Sifa, who fled from her hometown to the camp in the north.
When the rebels came in, she said, they took the county officials and sent him to \"re-education \".
He was never seen again.
They told her and her neighbors that President Kabila was their enemy.
The mood did not fall on deaf people, who had felt the government\'s cold anger all their lives.
\"We should love them like M23 and work with them,\" someone told them . \".
Sifa said: \"But it is impossible to do it because even if they try to beat her and her neighbors, the rebels are robbing, raping, beating and killing them and recruiting the boys in the village
\"If you say something or yell at something, they will kill you.
They will enter your home and take away your brother or son, no one will speak.
They killed the father of Sifa\'s husband.
Another refugee, Noela, a short woman whose teeth rot to the root, breast
We fed her little son while we were talking.
She said she was working as a gardener when M23 occupied her village.
They deprived the garden of food.
Then a militia raped her.
\"My husband refused me,\" she said . \"
Noela went to Mugunga for four days with her four children.
She is worried about her HIV infection.
But no testing service was provided at the camp.
Even though the story is as bad as these, and even worse, I find that Goma\'s public mood is uncertain after being caught.
Fear is everywhere, but so is excitement.
Human Rights Watch reported that rebels forced people, including children, to serve and tortured and killed deserters and resistance.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights says the commander is \"one of the most serious human rights violations in the Congo or the world \".
\"A Goma activist showed me the video footage he shot, in which he filmed a rebel leader overseeing the torture of two men in his own backyard.
But the situation with Kivutans is very bad and they think the M23 may improve over existing orders.
\"I want M23 to take over the Congo because all the young people you see here are not working,\" a rebel recruitment station teenager told me . \".
\"They create jobs when they take over the country.
That\'s what they told us. \" (
There is also a lot of resignation, which has to do with the humor of the Congo: One person told me, \"We are waiting for the orders of the liberators. \")
On 2012, as a result of the conflict between M23 and Congolese soldiers, thousands of Congolese were displaced from the area around Sake, some of whom fled on the road connecting Bukavu and Goma.
However, the M23 is smart and has little interest in actually managing Goma, not to mention Congo, and no interest in providing work for those desperate young people except cannon fodder.
So within a few days, the group quit.
It set up a front line a few miles away.
It then began to tighten control over parts of the North Kivu province it occupied.
The peacekeepers stationed in the vicinity basically gave the M23 freedom.
The organization is based in the village of Buena Ghana.
On last October, when the fighting between the rebels and the Congolese Army and United Nations forces was about to resume, I drove there to meet with some political leaders.
The route passes through Nyiragongo, through a series of dense valleys and then into the forest-covered hills.
For the first few miles, we passed the Army by the side of the road outside Goma.
Their uniforms are poorly matched, their rifles are rusty and look typically in trouble.
Then we went into the territory of M23, and for the rest of the time we saw the rebels, a lot less, but better equipped and looking happier.
A single road in Buena Ghana is connected by original concrete houses and storefronts, extending along the foot of the mountain and terminating at the border.
It can see the hills of western Uganda.
When I arrived, the town was almost empty in the pouring rain of an afternoon: the rebel soldiers were on the front line.
I walked around the collapsed fence into a small house where I was warmly welcomed, and was shown by a m23 deputy political spokesman named Victor to the owner of the house on a shabby sofa, or the temporary occupier is not clear.
He was wearing jeans, a striped rugby shirt, a gold cross necklace with his collar facing up.
In the backyard, a young footman was washing his clothes and Victor\'s wife was cooking in the kitchen.
On a laptop, he opened the m23 Facebook page and read it from his bulletin on the abuse of the Congolese army.
He quoted himself as saying: \"We regret the mission\'s silence on the military\'s conduct on the front line . \".
The M23 Minister of Education, a man named Alidor, told me: \"M23 is defending the welfare of the Congolese people . \".
\"Historically, every good change in the Congo has come from the east.
Its power comes from the east.
\"When he said that, Victor\'s boss came in and shook the rain from the black North-faced coat.
He apologized for being late for our appointment and gave me his business card.
Next to his name and title, the Minister of Communication and Media of the march 2323 movement, amanikabasha asha, was printed with the badge of the movement, an eagle perched on a diamond, it says \"unity\" and \"justice\". The third word is too small to see clearly.
Kabasha immediately grasped the views of the Minister of Education and reinforced this with precise English.
\"Since Kabasha came to power, even though they have gained wealth and power from the east, they have also destroyed it,\" Kabasha said . \".
He paused and added: \"You have to pay me $200 before you talk to me.
When he saw that I didn\'t know if I should laugh, he said, \"I\'m just joking.
\"On August 2013, a woman in the town of Beni closed her shop before dark, and in the face of the progress of the Democratic Forces alliance, it was a time of danger and fear --
Naru is one of many militia groups in the region.
Kabasha is aligned with leaders who will evolve into the M23 movement about a decade ago, he said, because \"they are fighting for a certain cause.
\"He originally came from South Kivu province, studied engineering and then moved to South Africa to hold a position in mining.
He was sent back to Congo to work at a mine and then went to ruchulu, where we are sitting now.
\"It\'s hard to see the difference between South Africa and ruchulu, you know?
\"Look at how people live in pain,\" he said . \".
\"I left everything and came here.
I have nothing here.
But I believe what I did.
I know I have to do this because if I don\'t, it will be descendants who will perish. You understand?
\"In fact, we know, and we agree with the international community that there is a lack of government in Kinsa.
Let\'s say, lack of leadership.
I can\'t say \"bad leadership\" because there is no difference between good and bad. No leadership.
In this country, we are now faced with such consequences.
He went on to say: \"The Western view, sometimes they see the result, but they don\'t see the root cause, and I can call it the sociology of the problem of conflict.
\"What is the root cause? I asked.
Lava lake outflow: poverty, corruption, violence, refugees, porous borders, missed business opportunities.
The \"biggest problem\" is security.
No one will invest without security.
The most important thing is safety.
I think you know this better than we do. You! As an American.
Saddam is a threat.
2000 or 5,000 to 10,000 miles away! You know?
\"Before I could ask, Kabasha insisted that M23 was\" promoted \"by Rwanda \".
The same is true of reports of war crimes. \"And the UN? \" I asked.
\"The United Nations is part of the conflict,\" Kabasha said . \".
\"The United Nations is a militant.
Martin Cobb arrived at the Panzi Hospital in South Kivu province, which serves victims of sexual violence.
At a buffet restaurant, he told a group of women that he had a zero.
Congo\'s policy of tolerance for rape and all other abuses.
Women applaud.
At the nearby orphanage, the children lined up to sing.
Cobb shook hands on his knees.
Local journalists gathered in a yard.
He condemned the rape again, but they wanted to talk about the intervention brigade.
\"When will it move on M23 again?
Reporter asked.
The 60-year-old Kobler is big enough to be one of the young soixante
On 1968, the Paris performance.
He went there from southern Germany.
When I asked him if he was from the Munich area, he said with frustration: \"No, I am not a Bavarian.
He explained that his father was a Nazi.
At the age of 17, he was sent to the Russian front, and when the German army retreated, he was captured by the American Army, a lucky turning point he would always be grateful.
But he was very nervous.
\"It\'s like a bottle of mouth,\" Kobler said . \".
\"There must be something he never revealed.
\"I asked Kobler if he had talked to the Congolese about his experience in German life after the war.
\"No, it\'s not an afterthought experience.
Nazi dictatorship
But the unity of 89 years.
\"He likes to tell them that Germany is coming together again, and the EU, which he calls\" the greatest peace project for mankind.
But \"the beginning of this project is purely political, right?
It was meant to control things like Germans and World War II, such as atrocities, such as the deaths of 60 million people.
I mean, we left 60 million?
At the end of World War II.
This is the example I mentioned.
Usually at the UN, you don\'t mention your nationality.
Of course they know when you\'re German.
\"The Congolese army accused an M23 rebel, a man injured in the fighting on last July, of marking the time on a stretcher in the village of Rusayo.
The week before, an internal policy memo from Kobler leaked.
It describes his vision of maintaining peace after the intervention brigade has completed its work.
It called for the establishment of \"stable islands\" in rural areas and the establishment of public administration, justice, police forces and trading systems from scratch.
When we drove back to the base, I asked him about it.
\"I cannot allow military action without answering the question of the next day.
It is not necessarily perfect.
But for me, in order to justify military action, I must believe that I have a sound, satisfactory concept that some sort of stability will begin after that.
\"It\'s all in my mind,\" he added . \"
All of this is problematic and changing.
\"Basically, Kobler proposed to build a peaceful modern society in a place where it was never really known about such things even before the 20-year war.
Even if the United Nations has a good national record
It has no construction project and it will be absurd and ambitious.
I pointed this out. He agreed.
But \"I feel the pressure to do something.
The most words I hear are wassome.
What do you have to do?
So this is the case now.
\"Kobler returned to the base in time to hold a commendation ceremony for the Egyptians.
When the army walked through a series of placards, the people on the pharaoh\'s headdress beat the drums, and the English slogan on the placards became more and more strange: \"Victory is our goal \", \"martyrdom\" a living dog is better than a dead lion.
\"The blindfolded soldier dismantled and reassembled the rifle;
Special forces engaged in manual featsto-hand combat.
Kobler took to the podium to remind Egyptians that their country was one of the first countries half a century ago to respond to the dispatch of peacekeepers to a new and independent Congo.
So far, Kobler has been praised by Western officials.
Russ Feingold, who works with him, said, \"he is the core figure of credibility.
He described Kobler as \"energetic and tireless \".
\"Kobler has also been praised by Congolese civil society, which is rare for a United Nations official.
Goma activist Justin Maska bihaba likes him, he is the target of the M23 campaign and has always been a critic of MONUSCO.
\"He listened to everyone,\" she said . \"
\"He was on the ground with us.
\"Other people are not very impressed.
Fidel buffilamba, an activist working with the theEnough project, told me, \"as long as Capella is in power, the mission has been here for 13 years.
Therefore, if the Congolese government is of no use in protecting the country, so is the stability mission.
\"Like many Congolese, bufferamba takes it for granted that Kobler and United Nations officials often collude with the African government they claim they want to reform, including his own.
\"We know these people, who are the puppets of Kabila.
\"At the United Nations headquarters in New York, there are different anxieties, including concerns about the size of the Cobb plan.
Lead to more hands
Nevertheless, the intervention brigade was disturbing.
It is a matter of course that people have already worried about its success.
\"This has not yet proved itself,\" said a Security Council diplomat . \"the-
The scene diplomacy and improvement of the Congolese army has much to do with the failure of the m23 brigade.
\"Many of its effects are perceived, not actual.
\"Resolution 2098 was adjourned on March 28.
The debate on this issue has never stopped and will continue.
India and Pakistan remain concerned that it has set a precedent for aggression that the United Nations cannot easily give up.
They want to know what happens when African heads of state ask peacekeepers to shoot in conflict areas.
They noted that, so far, all peacekeepers have been particularly protected by international law, which regards attacks on United Nations delegates as war crimes.
Should peace enforcers be protected the same way?
Non-governmental organizations are concerned about the \"militarized\" of humanitarian space and the dangers that it will pose to aid workers.
\"One day you can have a helicopter used to transport troops Intervention Brigade troops to attack a village and the next day you can ship aid to that village, A spokesman for Reporters Without Borders told the New York Times.
But I agree with the most experienced people in eastern Congo that if the cycle of violence is to end, carrying out operations in the moral gray zone between protecting civilians and attacking the Warring States states is a condition that the United Nations must become accustomed.
\"In Eastern Congo, we see a fundamental shift in the United Nations from humanitarian actors to combatants,\" said Jason sden . \".
This is the shift he supports most.
\"Congo was entrusted with solving every problem with carrots and no sticks.
This is a stick. Congo needs a stick.
\"We don\'t think that\'s working in any case,\" says Russ Feingold . \"
But in this case in eastern Congo, it is very appropriate because we have dozens of armed groups and we have only got rid of one of them.
You can\'t sit back when these groups work.
Captured M23 rebels surrounded by Congolese troopscenter, seated)
Near Kibati, north of Goma.
When member states objected to the intervention brigade, Jack Cristofides, director of the Africa 2 division of the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations, told me, \"What we are trying to argue is that in order to protect civilians in these environments, participation in armed conflict is necessary.
The price of inaction is increasing for civilians.
\"Connor Cruise O\'Brien believes that this consideration between the law of freedom and the law of competition for peace is not new.
In fact, if it is not as old as the United Nations, it must be as old as the United Nations presence in Congo, and is a subtext of the agency\'s many efforts in Africa.
Some of the bravest souls of the United Nations are on the side of peace.
Brian Urquhart concluded: \"The real strength of a peacekeeping operation is not its ability to use force, but it does not use force . \" He reviewed the first doomed operation in Congo.
\"Once a peacekeeping force starts killing people, it becomes part of the conflict that it should control and therefore part of the problem.
It loses a quality that distinguishes itself from the person it deals with and places it above the person it deals.
\"Of course, Urquhart wrote before the death of millions of Congolese.
In the last week of October, the Congolese army and Intervention Brigade launched their last offensive against m23.
A few days later, they pushed the rebels from the forest to the Ugandan border.
A United Nations soldier was shot dead;
No one was killed.
This was an unqualified rout.
During the fighting, US Secretary of State John Kerry, President Obama and British Prime Minister David Cameron both called Rwanda\'s president, Paul Kagame, to urge him not to supply m2 3.
On December 12, the 23-member Movement signed a peace agreement with Congolese and Rwandan officials in Nairobi.
After a year and a half of fighting with